左派出場
Tuesday, September 23, 2008
左派的核心價值之一是反帝,反殖,然而,這樣的立場是否錯失了現實政治議程的本質,反而自陷教條主義的危機?這樣的討論在最近的一本書,法國著名公眾知識分子 Bernard-Henri Lévy 的新作《黑暗時代的左派:一個反新野蠻主義的立場》(Left in Dark Times: A Stand Against the New Barbarism)進行深入的討論。這一期的《民主》(Democracy),英國的評論者 Nick Cohen 對這本書作出了評論,以「左派出場」(Left Out)為題,透過歐洲左派的垮台所帶來的教訓,解釋自由派支持者應該面對的問題。
這兩天工作繁忙,無暇對此深論,但是由於這篇文章太吸引人,我還是得寫幾行。
Nick Cohen 的論點很實踐性地闡述了反美教條主條的侷限,也呼應之前《尤斯頓宣言》高舉的民主、自由、平等、國際主義四面大旗,是非常有趣的議論。
我發現下面這段言論很有意思,雖然不是 Cohen 文章的核心:At first glance, American readers may find it easy to dismiss Lévy. The French leftist culture in which he has flourished will strike most as strange beyond measure. America has no Marxist tradition worth mentioning and no experience of Nazi occupation. The totalitarian temptation of communism which enchanted so many French men and women in the twentieth century never enchanted many Americans. Lévy’s searing assault on the ideology of their successors in twenty-first century France may seem to have little to do with anyone outside Europe.
盱衡台灣現行的公共論述,彷彿見著同樣的故事,少了陳水扁、馬英九、中國、種族主義者、共產黨這樣鮮明的對立面,咱家的論述內涵,一樣薄弱地可憐。
Lévy adds to the impression of otherness by cutting an exotic figure. I met him when we argued against a motion that "democracy isn’t for everyone" at a debate in London last year. He appeared in the green room in an immaculate white suit, looking every inch the dandy, as beautiful in his way as his wife, the actress Arielle Dombasle, who dazzled by his side. Bob Geldof walked across to talk to him, and as my eyes flitted from Geldof to Lévy and back again, I was hard-pressed to tell which was the rock star and which the philosopher. The audience, exhausted by Iraq, was dead against us when we went on stage, but we swung the meeting around and routed our conservative opponents. I like to think that it was the force of our arguments that won the night, but the spectators may just have been bowled over by Lévy’s glamour.
The celebrity thinker is hardly a feature of American politics–do John McCain and Barack Obama crave the support of the equivalents of Glucksmann and Lévy?
But American readers would be wrong to dismiss Lévy as a glamorous foreigner, for a reason I don’t think many liberals have grasped. Americans on the Left may not thank me for saying so, but they have been lucky in one respect to have had George W. Bush as their enemy. He has united the opposition; he has been the glue that has held men and women with wildly contradictory ideas and aspirations together. Hatred of Bush has given the American Left a new salience and a new power, something it hasn’t had since the early days of the Clinton era, but it has not given it a unified vision.





英文不佳,詞彙不熟,難以甚解,只能勉強讀看看~
他似乎講到:1)美國沒有法國(或歐洲)的社會、歷史脈絡;2)豎起布希當稻草人打,甚至是美國左派引介的。台灣也有類似的情境嗎??
回想台灣也經歷過日治時代的反殖、民主化運動;蔣幫時代的白色恐怖、言論自由及民主化(或及反殖),照理講,應該也提供了相當豐富的論述養份(給左或右),很好奇的是,在哪裡可以找到給我們鄉民用的、較適當的、有關這類意識型態的source,例如大師的文章或blog?如果很少的話,怎會這樣呢?
對了,不好意思問一下,我知道New Left是左派有名的雜誌,那麼Journal of Democracy是偏右的嗎?
@maozilla:Cohen 的發言是一種想法國際主義與一國自由主義之間搭建對話的橋樑,由這個立場上,或許我們別急著幫人家下標籤,let's it be. 思想轉移的在地脈絡不必全然自我參照,也不能沒有在地。歐洲的左派和美國的自由派處境有類似,有差異,必須有一個更纖細的理解圖式,才能化解其在右派當道下的實踐困境。
台灣的思想脈絡缺乏系統性的爬梳,可以看出學院知識工作者與本地納稅者斷裂得多厲害,知識不為台灣本地服務。粗糙地來講,台灣最好的是反抗精神,都是不見容於學院內的,比如吳濁流的作品,史明的台灣人四百年史,彭明敏的自由的滋味。由於這樣的思想生產非常的零碎、小本、手工,本地思想建設推展一直很慢,這是我們這一輩必須進行的自我啟蒙工作。
如果你夠 serious,我會建議將基礎的政治哲學與台灣民主政治史念完,比較容易形成較妥善的判斷。否則找尋學者撰寫的大眾文章也是一個路子。吳叡人曾在《當代》寫過一篇「自由的兩個概念:戰前台灣民族運動與戰後『自由中國』集團政治論述中關於『 自由』之理念的初步比較」(或許你有讀過?),那是一個不錯的起點。
西方的 intellectual source 多到泛濫,常有年輕學子問我有那些來源比較好,不過在整個思考能力與全盤觀點不足的限制下,這種方式有揠苗助長的缺點,如果有那個地方願意提供一個「大眾性的思想討論」,對於幫助社會大眾深化思考,會有很大的幫助。中文的來源,台灣的當代停刊,頗為可惜。學院報有《社會與哲學評論》,以及各類社會學,政治學期刊,線上資源中國還有一個「人文與社會」(http://humanities.cn/),可以參考看看。
Journal of Democracy 主要是美國自由派為主的刊物,美國的知識社群自由派當道,但也別低估右派的勢力。
James,本週末的台社20週年會議,你會去嗎?
其實在樂生這一年裡,我學到,立竿起義總是快而易散,總還是要從草根裡一點一滴累積,慢,但卻是延續而扎實的。
恐怕去不了,週末不在台灣。